The Hidden Cost of Japan’s Rice Protectionism: What They Don’t Want You to Know!

Japanese Rice Trade Policy Overview

By Steve Moody
Japanese Department, Brigham Young University

Claiming a need for self-sufficiency stable supply, Japan has a long history of heavy protectionism in the rice sector. Despite pressures from virtually every single trading partner Japan deals with, they have maintained a rigidly stubborn stance opposing foreign imports of rice. At the peak of such protectionist policies in 1985, Japan records that imports of rice from the US barely totaled .2% of total domestic consumption. In fact, until very recently, Japan has been closed to virtually all rice imports.

Japan’s aggressive protectionist stance began with strict quantitative limitations on imports shortly after World War II. These policies continued to be modified to further restrict trade until the mid 1980’s when, due to pressure from many trading partners—particularly the US—the country began to grudgingly open its borders to foreign rice. For example, in 1986 California rice producers filed a petition to the US government under section 301, claiming that Japan’s policies caused significant injury to their industry. At this time, Japan was providing a $2,200-per-metric-ton subsidy to Japanese domestic producers. This subsidy was as much as ten times the world price (Unites States House of Representatives, 1986). Following this complaint and many similar, the US began to put heavy pressure on Japan to open its market. Although slow to respond initially, due to this and other negotiations, Japan has begun to liberalize its market.

However, despite this gradual reduction of tariffs, subsidies, and other policies, current trade barriers in Japan are still very prevalent. Recently, Japan has relied most heavily on domestic subsidies, although quota and tariff policies are also in effect. The most recent information available indicates that the Japanese government directly subsidizes rice production by as much as $1.82 billion (206 billion yen) (Fukuda, Dyck, & Stout, 2003).

Japanese subsidies come via a number of different government programs. The most direct subsidy program, called the Japanese Rice Farming Income Stabilization Program, was implemented in 1998. The Income Stabilization Program allows for rice farmers to claim payments equal to the difference of domestic rice prices and a predetermined standard, should the market price fall. In 1999, such payments totaled $815 million (92.7 billion yen). On a per-hectare basis, Japan subsidizes an incredible $9,600 more than the United States. The Office of the Unites States Trade Representative (USTR) reports that, “. . . because of high tariffs and other barriers to trade, Japan's rice producers are very insulated from the open market” (2003). Such programs enable inefficient Japanese rice producers to continue to produce rice and charge a much higher price to the domestic consumers than the world price, greatly reducing the net social welfare. This effect will be discussed in greater detail in the following section.

With total direct subsidies, as well as more indirect programs designed to enhance rice farmer competitiveness and drive up domestic process, taxpayers spent an estimated $2.8 billion in support of just the rice industry in 1999 alone (Fukuda et al., 2003). On a per-hectare of production basis, Japan’s subsidy is enormous, over 12 times that of the US and EU subsidies combined. A more detailed breakdown of subsidy programs is shown in Table 1.

Table 1 – Japanese Subsidy Details for Rice Production in 1999

Subsidy Program : Million US$ (Billion ¥)

Rice Farming Income Stabilization Program : 815 (92.7)
Insurance premium payments : 231 (24.2)
Interest payments : 315 (35.8)
Extension services : 40 (4.6)
Investments in farm capital : 432 (49.1)

Total : 1.82 (206.4)

Per-Hectare Expenditure

Country : US$ (¥ )

Japan : 9,706 (1,016,000)
United States : 117 (12,000)
European Union : 676 (70,800)

Sources: Fukuda et al., 2003; USTR, 2003

Beyond subsidy programs, Japan also has a myriad of border policies in relation to the rice industry. Japan currently has a tariff of 150 yen per kilogram imposed on all rice as it crosses the border. Additionally, rice imports are subject to a quota of 682,000 tons, above which imports are taxed with a tariff of 341 yen per kilogram. Statistics show that this tariff rate effectively prohibits all imports above the quota (Fukuda, et al., 2003). Without exception, every policy has been designed to protect a comparatively disadvantaged domestic industry. Figure 1 illustrates the nominal rate of protection in the Japanese rice sector due to high tariff levels.

Domestic Welfare Effects

The Japanese have a culture deeply rooted in traditional behavioral models. Japanese feel an intense sense of obligation to keep things stable and are thus very resistant to change. These attitudes are manifest in their policies (Yoshimura & Anderson, 1997).

However, in this case it is clear that resisting change—refusing to allow more foreign rice into the domestic economy—is not benefiting the Japanese economy at all. While admittedly producers receive some benefit from protection, with prices continuing to climb, the welfare loss to consumers is tremendous. The result is the country as a whole loses. Even several Japanese economists and politicians have finally admitted the poor stance of their policies and have suggested that heavy rice protection is no longer the answer (United States Senate, 1986).

The purpose of Japan’s protectionist policies is to drive domestic prices up and provide producers with higher incomes. However, this welfare gain is immediately lost by the fact the consumers must pay higher prices. Thus the policies do not increase welfare, but simply divert income from producers to consumers.

Additionally, due to the fact that rice is a main stable in the Japanese diet, empirical research indicates that consumer demand for rice is inelastic—as prices increase, demand is not likely to change very much (Fukuda et al., 2003). Therefore raising the domestic price of rice imposes a severe burden on consumers.

In 2000 consumers spent over 1% of their income ($638 per individual) to cover the merely the difference between domestic and world rice process. This problem directly affects an individual when he goes shopping at the local market. Current data shows that Japanese consumers pay roughly $2.63 per kilogram compared to the US price of $.20 per kilogram (Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry [MAFF], 2001).

Other welfare losses are shouldered by the government, which then taxes consumers and imposes further welfare losses. One example of such expenditures is storage costs. As indicated previously, the government has agreed to pay the difference to producers when the domestic price falls below a predetermined standard. It accomplishes this buy buying surplus rice stocks at the predetermined price. The government has then chosen to store the rice rather than export it, and this then requires increased taxes to provide for the storage facilities.

Figure 2 illustrates a few of these effects. Note that when consumption exceeds production, storage volumes and the associated expenses increase. Also interesting to note is the import level of nearly zero until 1993. The lack of imports can be taken as evidence of the welfare loss experienced by consumers.

International Welfare Effects

The negative effects of Japan’s rice protection are not limited to the domestic market alone. Virtually every economy involved in rice trading has felt adverse effects from the Japanese policies. As a specific case study, this report will look the welfare effects felt by Burma, a small rice-exporting country in Southeast Asia.

Burma entered the rice market in the late 1920’s, producing just under half of the quantity of Japanese production at the time. Like Japan, traditionally Burma has not been lacked protectionist tendencies. Until recent decades, privately-owned firms were not allowed to export rice at all. However, the Burmese government realized the effects and in an effort to encourage expansion of its relatively small rice industry has begun to move toward more liberal policies (Siok-Hwa & Lumpur, 1968).

However, this move toward trade liberalization has been complicated by the aggressive protectionist policies still in place in developed countries such as Japan (Kazmin, 2004). Being geographically close and also a large consumer of rice, Japan is a natural export target for Burmese producers. However, high tariffs and vast array of protectionist policies have severely limited Burma’s ability to trade. As shown in Table 2, over the past several years, Burma’s export volume of rice has significantly increased. A major portion of this increase has been going to Japan. At this same time, Japan has been gradually reducing trade barriers. This trend suggests that Japan’s limitations on imports have played an influential role in limiting past exports of Burmese rice and thus imposing a welfare loss on the country’s producers (United States Department of Agriculture [USDA], 2002).

Table 2 – Burmese Rice Export Volume (thousands of metric tons)

1997 : 15

1998 : 94

1999 : 57

2000 : 159

2001 : 250

2002 : 750

Source: USDA 2002

From a theoretical standpoint, the trade pattern between Burma and Japan suggest that Burma has a comparative advantage in the rice industry. Burma tends to export and Japan tends to import. When the specific data is considered, it becomes clear that Burma does indeed have a comparative advantage over Japan in rice production. Japan is one of the highest cost rice producers in the world, requiring as much as $12,000 to produce one hectare of rice. Burma, on the other hand, enjoys some of the lowest production costs, around $500 per hectare (Yap, 1991).

As a normative argument, the trends suggest that global welfare is better off by allowing Burma to specialize in rice production and export. On the other hand, Japan should use its resources to specialize in another sector where it can produce efficiently, for in rice, it is rather inefficient. This pattern is occurring, but the ridiculous degree of protectionism demonstrated by the Japanese government limits the extent. The result is a set of policies that does not allow the world to enjoy an optimal level of efficiency.

Burma, although a more efficient producer of rice, is unable to produce at its free-trade equilibrium. Additionally, Burmese producers must pay significant costs to get their rice across the Japanese border. These distortions yield a negative net welfare effect on the Japanese, Burmese, and world economies.

Econometric studies have indicated that Japan has the ability to influence market prices in rice, but Burma behaves more like a price-taker (Barker, Herdt, & Rose, 1985). Thus Burma is subject in part to the whims of the Japanese government. Qualitatively, the isolation of the Japanese economy in the rice sector decreases the demand that Burmese producers face. With lower demand than free trade would otherwise allow, Burmese producers are unable to produce as much and are stuck with higher production costs. Rice demand in the small Burmese economy is saturated and if Burmese producers wish to expand production, they must try and sell in foreign markets. The Japanese market exhibits severely inflated prices due to tariffs and other restrictions and thus the growth of the otherwise competitive Burmese rice industry is greatly hindered by the Japanese restrictions which are destroying the possibility of trade between the two economies (Coyle, 1981).

A comparison of the costs of rice production, as well as other indicators in the two economies make it is obvious that Burma is the more efficient producer of the rice and Japanese resources would be better spent elsewhere. It can also be seen that Japanese protectionism is causing unnecessary costs on everyone else participating in the market (Yap, 1981).

Benefits of Trade Liberalization

Clearly, the best course of action, when considering world welfare, is to eliminate all trade barriers. Senator Pete Wilson gave his opinion to the US Congress that Japanese protectionism harms international rice trade. Total liberalization would benefit all involved, not just the United States. He stated that “the elimination of Japan’s unfair import ban would also benefit rice growers in Burma, Thailand, Pakistan, and other developing countries” (United States House of Representatives, 1986).

Burma, as well as other small, developing countries, are typically the recipients of the greatest injury from trade barriers. The rice industry in Burma is still small and is struggling to get a firm hold in international markets. However, Japan’s policies drive up domestic prices of the otherwise low-priced Burmese rice. Because Burma’s costs of producing rice are so much lower than Japan’s, Burma has a comparative advantage in its production. Trade barriers distort this advantage.

Burmese producers are faced with high costs when selling their stocks to Japanese consumers. These costs come primarily from the enormous tariffs that must be paid as the rice crosses the border. The result: Burmese producers are not able to sell as much rice as they would otherwise. Japanese consumers also lose out by being forced to pay much higher prices than they would with international free trade.

In the event that the trade between the two countries was to be completely liberalized, the benefits would be abundant. Burmese producers would have a much larger consumer base to sell to and the elimination of trade barriers would allow them to produce more rice much more efficiently than the Japanese. Japanese consumers would likewise benefit from the increased supply and subsequent decline in prices.

WTO Meetings in Cancun

The issue of Japan’s rice protectionism proved to be a major obstacle up during the World Trade Organization negations in Cancun. In fact, it was one of the primary contributors to destroying negotiations completely. Japan, along with several other Asian countries, pressed very hard for exceptions allowing them to impose even more barriers on trade than the current policies. They surrounded this stance in an argument saying it is necessary for the survival of the domestic rice industry (Reuters, 2003). This is a sensible argument when view the situation from the perspective of the Japanese rice producers. As demonstrated earlier, the Japanese rice producers are not efficient at all and produce rice at a very high cost. In order for them to survive against low-cost producers—such as Burma—they must protect the industry.

Unfortunately, Japanese producers represent only a small fraction of the world population. Their stance fails to take into account the other welfare effects imposed on other players in the world economy. The other countries were fighting to get Japan to open its borders to rice. They argued that doing so will not only improve the industries abroad, but will also allow rice production to move to producers who are the most efficient. In the long run, this is better for everyone involved.

Japan’s stubborn stance seemed to be more political than economic. When one takes a good look at the statistic presented in the report, it should be quite clear that trade liberalization is the best policy. However, rice farmers provide votes and Japanese politicians depend on these votes for their survival. Although they did make a few minor compromises, Japan continued to refuse to reduce its trade restrictions. This was a major factor in the breakdown of negotiations (Azuma, 2001).

Conclusion

Thus it is easy to see that rice trade in Japan—and the Orient in general—is a very sensitive topic to all involved. The powerful countries, such as Japan, seem to be the highest-cost producers and are experiencing a comparative disadvantage. The low-cost producers, such as Burma, are the ones who should be producing the bulk of product. The interesting thing is that if Japan was to really act in its own self-interest, considering the welfare imposed on the country as a whole, it would open its borders to trade. Such a move would, in the long run, increase Japan’s domestic welfare, and the welfare of all of its trade partners. Japanese consumers would enjoy the price reductions and use the extra money to build up other sectors in the struggling economy. However, the politicians are bowing to the wishes of a powerful special interest groups—rice farmers—and are refusing to liberalize. There remains some hope, however, as Japan’s borders are more open now than they have been in the past. But unfortunately for the Asian rice consumer, it will likely be a long road until free trade will become the rule, not the exception.

References:

• Azuma, Yasushi. (2001, September). WTO Failure Relief for Japan. Japan Today.
• Barker, Randolph, Herdt, Robert W., & Rose, Beth. (1985). The Rice Economy of Asia. Washington D.C.
• Coyle, William T. (1981). Japan’s Rice Policy. Foreign Agricultural Economic Report, Number 164. Washington D.C.: United States Department of Agriculture
• Foreign Agricultural Service. (2002). Burma: Rice Situation Update. www.fas.usda.gov
• Fukuda, Hisao, Dyck, John & Stout, Jim. (2003). Rice Sector Policies in Japan. Electronic Outlook Report from the Economic Research Service. United States Department of Agriculture. www.erc.usda.gov
• Harvey, David. (2002). Japanese Farm Policy. www.staff.ncl.ac.uk/david.harvey
• Hayami, Yujiro & Yoshihisa, Godo. (1995). Economics and Politics of Rice Policy in Japan: A Perspective on the Uruguay Round. Working Paper Series, Number 5341. Cambridge: National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.
• Kazmin, Amy. (2004, February). Burma’s Rice Policy Chaos Sows Economic Seeds of Doubt. Financial Times. www.burmalibrary.org
• Nagai, Shinya & Takahashi, Kunio. (1996). 1194-95 Annual Abstracts of Official Reports and Statistics of the Japanese Government. White Papers of Japan. Tokyo.
• Office of the United States Trade Representative. (2003). Farm Policies in the U.S., EU, and Japan. Trade Facts. www.ustrade-wto.gov
• Rae, Allan & Josling, Timothy. (2001). Processed Food Trade and Developing Countries: Protection and Trade Reform. NZ Trade Consortium Working Paper Series, Number 15. Wellington: The NZ Institute of Economic Research, Inc
• Reuters. (2001, September). WTO on a Sticky Wicket Against Japan’s Rice Bowlers. The Age. theage.com.au
• Siok-Hwa, Cheng & Lumpur, Kuala. (1968). The Rice Industry of Burma 1852~1940. Singapore: University of Malaya Press.
• United States Department of Agriculture. (2001, February). 2001/02 Global Wheat and Course Grain Trade Diverge. Grain: World Markets and Trade. www.fas.usda.gov
• United States House of Representatives, Committee on Agriculture. (1986). Review of Japan’s Policy Concerning the Importation of Rice (Serial No. 99-49). Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office
• United States Senate, Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry. (1986). U.S.-Japan Rice Trade (Serial Number 99-1051). Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office
• Yap, C.L. (1991). A Comparison of the Cost of Producing Rice in Selected Countries. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, FAO Economic Social Development Paper, Number 101.
• Yoshimura, Noboru & Anderson, Philip. (1997). Inside the Kaisha. Boston: Harvard Business School Press.

Source : Japan-101 Information resource

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Guide to Agricultural Investment in Indonesia (3)

 

Agricultural Investment and Trade Opportunities in Indonesia (3)

 

Indonesia's land legislations do not recognize the concept of freehold land rights. Instead the various right attached to the land are subdivided into separates titles.

The Basic Agrarian Law (Law no. 5 of 1960) recognizes type of rights on land of non-state-forest area, whereas state forest-area, the Law no 5 0f 1967 on forestry is applied. To foreign as well as domestic investor, the following three main rights are significant; the Land Cultivation Rights (Hak Guna Usaha, abbreviated as HSU), the Right of Building on Land (Hak Guna Bangunan, abbreviated as HGB) and the Right of Use on Land (Hak Pakai, abbreviated as HP). These rights authorize the use of land in some ways, and their differences are mainly on the duration of validity, the nature of utilization, the opportunity to mortgage (to use as asset or collateral) and proof of title:

1. The Land Cultivation Right (HGU) is the right to use a state Owned Land for the purposes of agriculture namely plantation, or cattle rising. By law the title is granted for maximum period of 35 years, but can be extended to 25 years is the land is properly used and managed. This title of right is given to Indonesian individual(s) or legal entities domiciled in Indonesia including PMA companies. It can be used as collateral or transferred to other party with the government approval.
2. The Right Building of the Land (HGU) is the right to construct and own building on a peace of land that one has purchased. The title is granted for a maximum period of 30 years and can be extended for maximum period for 20 years for Indonesian individual(s) and / or legal entities domiciled in Indonesia including PMA companies. It can be used as collateral or transferred to other party. This is also applicable and generally granted to tenants in Industrial estates.
3. Right of Use on Land (HGB) is the right to use land for a specific purpose and granted for a period of 25 years and can be extended for period of 20 years or as long as the land is used for certain (normal) utilization. Now, this right can also be used as a mortgage. In addition, it can also be transferred to other party through a government approval.

Dwelling House or a residence that can be owned by a foreign person shall be :
1. A separate house constructed on a piece of land with the right of utilization on state land or controlled on the basis of an agreement with a land holder: or,
2. An apartment constructed on a piece of land with the right of utilization on state land.

Foreign investors who obtained mining contract from the minister of Mines and Energy or the respective Governor / the District Head or forest exploitation rights and or plantation right from the Ministry of Agriculture or the Respective Governor / District Head could automatically use the land within their business license. In case investors want to use the land for different purposes, special applications should be submitted to the Ministry or the respective Governor / District Head concerned. These rights have no collateral value to the owner.

To be continued.

Source: Guide to Agricultural Investment and Trade Opportunities in Indonesia, Ministry of Agriculture, the Republic of Indonesia

Satu Milyar Rupiah Lebih Harga Satu Ekor Tuna Bluefin

Pada lelang perdana tahun 2009 yang dilaksanakan 8 Januari di Tsukiji Market (Tokyo Metropolotan Central Wholesale Market) seekor ikan Tuna Bluefin telah dilelang dengan harga 9,63 juta yen per ekor. Kalau kurs hari ini 1 yen = 120 rupiah maka satu ekor ikan tersebut seharga 1,15 milyar rupiah. Angka tersebut merupakan harga lelang termahal di Jepang dalam kurun waktu 8 tahun terakhir.

Dengan harga fantastik ini ikan Tuna Bluefin tersebut telah diperebutkan oleh dua orang penawar yang satu dari China dan yang lainnya dari Jepang. Yang pertama bernama Ricky Cheng Wai-tao berumur 41 tahun asal China seorang manejer Restoran Itamame Shusi di Hongkong dan beberapa tempat lainnya. Yang kedua asli Jepang bernama Yasuke Imada berumur 63 tahun manejer Restoran Susi yang sangat bergengsi, Restoran Kyubey namanya yang berlokasi di daerah elit Ginza, Tokyo.

Akhirnya keduanya sepakat untuk saling berbagi, masing-masing memperoleh separuh ikan yang ditangkap di Oma, Prefektur Aomori, Jepang. Imada menerima cara ini karena dia ingin menghindari perang penawaran yang akan mendongkrak harga ikan tuna semakin tinggi.

Sushi “Otoro” dengan bahan dari bagian ikan yang banyak mengandung lemak, di Hongkong harga satu potongnya (satu suap) sekitar 1.100 yen, sedangkan di Ginza 2.000 yen. Pada awal tahun lalu (2008) di tempat yang sama Cheng menang lelang ikan yang sejenis dengan harga 6,02 juta yen per ekor.

Konsumsi ikan tuna di China telah meroket 20 kali menjadi 4.000 ton pada tahun 2005 dari 200 ton pada tahun 2000, kata Lou Xiaobo, Profesor Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology. Lou mengharapkan jumlah konsumsi ikan tuna di China meningkat terus akibat peningkatan jumlah masyarakat ekonomi kelas atas.

Sumber: Japan Times, 9 Januari 2009

Prosedur Karantina Hewan Indonesia

Untuk Hewan dan Produk Hewan

A.Persyaratan Umum Karantina Hewan

1. Dilengkapi dengan Surat Keterangan Kesehatan/Sanitasi oleh pejabat yang berwenang dari negara asal/daerah asal.

2. Melalui tempat pemasukan dan pengeluaran yang telah ditetapkan.

3. Dilaporkan dan diserahkan kepada petugas karantina hewan di tempat pemasukan atau tempat pengeluaran untuk keperluan tindakan karantina.

B. Persyaratan Teknis impor dan ekspor hewan dan produk hewan

Selain persyaratan karantina yang telah diatur dalam Peraturan Pemerintah No.82/2000 sebagaimana tersebut diatas, diperlukan kewajiban tambahan berupa persyaratan teknis impor/ekspor hewan dan produk hewan ke dalam wilayah negara Republik Indonesia, sebagai berikut :

Negara yang belum melakukan kerjasama bilateral perdagangan.

a. Negara pengekspor harus bebas dari penyakit hewan menular atau berbahaya tertentu yang tidak terdapat di negara pengimpor

b. Mendapatkan persetujuan impor/ekspor dari pejabat yang ditunjuk atas nama Menteri dengan mempersyaratkan ketentuan-ketentuan teknis yang harus dilakukan terhadap komoditi impor di negara pengekspor sebelum dikapalkan/diangkut menuju negara pengimpor.

c. Perlakuan tindakan karantina di negara pengimpor bertujuan untuk memastikan bahwa ketentuan-ketentuan teknis yang dipersyaratkan tersebut benar telah dilakukan sesuai ketentuan internasional.

d. Melengkapi komoditi tersebut dengan Surat Keterangan Kesehatan atau Sanitasi dan surat keterangan lainnya yang menerangkan bahwa komoditi tersebut bebas dari hama penyakit yang dapat mengganggu kesehatan manusia, hewan dan lingkungan hidup, disamping menerangkan pemenuhan persyaratan ketentuan teknis seperti tersebut di atas.

e. Negara pengimpor berhak melakukan penelitian dan pengamatan secara epidimilogy terhadap situasi dan kondisi penyakit hewan menular dan berbahaya yang ada di negara pengekspor secara tidak langsung melalui data-data yang ada dan tersedia.

f. Pengangkutan komoditi impor tersebut harus langsung ke negara tujuan pengimpor tanpa melakukan transit di negara lain.

g. Negara pengimpor berhak melakukan tindakan-tindakan penolakan dan pencegahan masuknya penyakit hewan menular dan berbahaya, jika dijumpai hal yang mencurigakan, dilaporkan tidak benar atau ada kemungkinan bahwa komoditi tersebut dapat bertindak sebagai media pembawa hama penyakit hewan menular dan berbahaya.

Negara yang telah melakukan kerjasama bilateral perdagangan.

a. Negara pengekspor harus bebas dari penyakit hewan menular dan berbahaya tertentu yang dipersyaratkan negara pengimpor

b. Melakukan perjanjian kerjasama perdagangan dengan mempersyaratkan ketentuan-ketentuan teknis yang harus dilakukan terhadap komoditi impor tersebut di negara pengekspor sebelum dikapalkan/diangkut menuju negara pengimpor.

c. Mendapatkan persetujuan impor/ekspor dari pejabat yang ditunjuk atas nama Menteri (Direktur Jenderal Bina Produksi Peternakan/ Direktur Jenderal Perlindungan Hutan dan Konservasi Alam) dengan mempersyaratkan ketentuan-ketentuan teknis yang harus dilakukan terhadap komoditi impor di negara pengekspor sebelum dikapalkan/diangkut menuju negara pengimpor.

d. Perlakuan tindakan karantina di negara pengekspor dengan tujuan untuk memenuhi ketentuan-ketentuan teknis yang dipersyaratkan dalam perjanjian bilateral tersebut telah dilakukan sesuai ketentuan internasional.

e. Negara pengimpor berhak melakukan penelitian dan pengamatan secara langsung terhadap situasi dan kondisi penyakit hewan menular dan berbahaya yang ada di negara pengekspor (approval and accreditation).

f. Melengkapi komoditi tersebut dengan Surat Keterangan Kesehatan atau Sanitasi dan surat keterangan lainnya yang menerangkan bahwa komoditi tersebut bebas dari hama dan penyakit yang dapat mengganggu kesehatan manusia, hewan dan lingkungan hidup, disamping menerangkan pemenuhan persyaratan ketentuan teknis seperti tersebut di atas.

g. Pengangkutan komoditi impor tersebut harus langsung ke negara tujuan pengimpor tanpa transit di negara lain, kecuali telah disetujui oleh ke dua negara dalam perjanjian bilateral atau trilateral dengan ketentuan negara transit minimal mempunyai situasi dan kondisi penyakit hewan yang sama dengan negara pengimpor.

h. Negara pengimpor berhak melakukan tindakan-tindakan penolakan dan pencegahan masuknya penyakit hewan menular dan berbahaya, jika dijumpai hal yang mencurigakan, dilaporkan tidak benar atau ada kemungkinan bahwa komoditi tersebut dapat bertindak sebagai media pembawa hama penyakit hewan menular dan berbahaya.

i. Tindakan karantina diutamakan terhadap hewan yang tidak atau belum sempat dilaksanakan di negara pengekspor sesuai dengan persyaratan teknis yang telah disepakati.

Prosedur Tindakan Karantina Hewan

1. Pemohon mengajukan permohonan pemeriksaan dan tindakan karantina kepada pimpinan UPT Karantina Hewan tempat pemasukan atau pengeluaran.

2. UPT Karantina Hewan memproses secara administrasi permohonan tersebut, untuk selanjutnya menugaskan pejabat fungsional karantina hewan untuk melakukan tindakan karantina tahap I yaitu pemeriksaan (P1). Dari hasil pemeriksaan selanjutnya dapat dilakukan beberapa tindakan karantina lainnya.

3. Untuk media pembawa yang menurut hasil pemeriksaan memerlukan tindakan pengasingan (P2) dan pengamatan (P3), segera dimasukkan ke dalam instalasi karantina untuk selama masa karantina yang dapat diperpanjang menurut pertimbangan dokter hewan karantina.

4. Untuk media pembawa yang sehat dan tidak menunjukkan gejala penyakit hewan karantina, tidak menunjukkan perubahan fisik dan tidak memerlukan masa pengasingan untuk pengamatan, dapat langsung dilakukan tindakan pembebasan (P8).

5. Sebaliknya, untuk media pembawa yang menunjukkan gejala penyakit hewan karantina atau perubahan fisik yang mengarah kepada penyakit hewan golongan I, dapat langsung dilakukan tindakan penolakan (P6).

6. Media pembawa yang mempunyai dokumen tidak benar dan tidak lengkap atau menurut hasil pemeriksaan menunjukkan gejala penyakit hewan golongan II, dilakukan tindakan penahanan (P5) untuk selanjutnya dapat dikembalikan ke proses tahap II yaitu pengasingan dan pengamatan.

7. Hasil tindakan pengasingan dan pengamatan, dapat dilanjutkan ke proses tahap III yaitu tindakan perlakuan (P4) untuk meyakinkan kembali bahwa media pembawa bebas dari hama penyakit hewan karantina dan tidak dapat lagi menularkan atau menyebarkan hama penyakit hewan ke media pembawa lainnya.

8. Jika dari hasil tindakan pemeriksaan, pengasingan, pengamatan dan perlakuan, media pembawa tidak dapat dibebaskan dari penyakit hewan karantina atau telah mengalami perubahan fisik, maka terhadap media pembawa tersebut lansung dilakukan tindakan pemusnahan (P7).

9. Setelah dilakukan tindakan pengasingan dan pengamatan serta perlakuan media pembawa diyakini tidak mengandung penyakit hewan karantina dan tidak dapat lagi bertindak sebagai media penular atau penyebar, maka dapat dilakukan tindakan pembebasan (P8).

10. Hasil tindakan pembebasan, penahanan, penolakan, dan pemusnahan kemudian diserahkan kembali kepada UPT Karantina Hewan yang memberi tugas untuk diproses secara administrasi termasuk memenuhi kewajiban tambahan, yang selanjutnya disampaikan kepada pemohon dan instansi terkait lainnya untuk dilaksanakan.

Prosedur Tindakan Karantina Hewan

1. Pemohon mengajukan permohonan pemeriksaan dan tindakan karantina kepada pimpinan UPT Karantina Hewan tempat pemasukan atau pengeluaran.

2. UPT Karantina Hewan memproses secara administrasi permohonan tersebut, untuk selanjutnya menugaskan pejabat fungsional karantina hewan untuk melakukan tindakan karantina tahap I yaitu pemeriksaan (P1). Dari hasil pemeriksaan selanjutnya dapat dilakukan beberapa tindakan karantina lainnya.

3. Untuk media pembawa yang menurut hasil pemeriksaan memerlukan tindakan pengasingan (P2) dan pengamatan (P3), segera dimasukkan ke dalam instalasi karantina untuk selama masa karantina yang dapat diperpanjang menurut pertimbangan dokter hewan karantina.

4. Untuk media pembawa yang sehat dan tidak menunjukkan gejala penyakit hewan karantina, tidak menunjukkan perubahan fisik dan tidak memerlukan masa pengasingan untuk pengamatan, dapat langsung dilakukan tindakan pembebasan (P8).

5. Sebaliknya, untuk media pembawa yang menunjukkan gejala penyakit hewan karantina atau perubahan fisik yang mengarah kepada penyakit hewan golongan I, dapat langsung dilakukan tindakan penolakan (P6).

6. Media pembawa yang mempunyai dokumen tidak benar dan tidak lengkap atau menurut hasil pemeriksaan menunjukkan gejala penyakit hewan golongan II, dilakukan tindakan penahanan (P5) untuk selanjutnya dapat dikembalikan ke proses tahap II yaitu pengasingan dan pengamatan.

7. Hasil tindakan pengasingan dan pengamatan, dapat dilanjutkan ke proses tahap III yaitu tindakan perlakuan (P4) untuk meyakinkan kembali bahwa media pembawa bebas dari hama penyakit hewan karantina dan tidak dapat lagi menularkan atau menyebarkan hama penyakit hewan ke media pembawa lainnya.

8. Jika dari hasil tindakan pemeriksaan, pengasingan, pengamatan dan perlakuan, media pembawa tidak dapat dibebaskan dari penyakit hewan karantina atau telah mengalami perubahan fisik, maka terhadap media pembawa tersebut lansung dilakukan tindakan pemusnahan (P7).

9. Setelah dilakukan tindakan pengasingan dan pengamatan serta perlakuan media pembawa diyakini tidak mengandung penyakit hewan karantina dan tidak dapat lagi bertindak sebagai media penular atau penyebar, maka dapat dilakukan tindakan pembebasan (P8).

10. Hasil tindakan pembebasan, penahanan, penolakan, dan pemusnahan kemudian diserahkan kembali kepada UPT Karantina Hewan yang memberi tugas untuk diproses secara administrasi termasuk memenuhi kewajiban tambahan, yang selanjutnya disampaikan kepada pemohon dan instansi terkait lainnya untuk dilaksanakan.

Sumber: Badan Karantina Pertanian, Departemen Pertanian RI

Kolaborasi Jepang-Indonesia Selamatkan Terumbu Karang

Indonesia adalah negara kepulauan terbesar di dunia dengan garis pantai yang terpanjang nomor dua setelah Kanada yaitu 81.000 km. Luas wilayah teritorial Indonesia yang sebesar 7,1 juta km2 didominasi oleh wilayah laut yaitu kurang lebih 5,4 juta km2. Dengan potensi fisik sebesar ini, Indonesia dikaruniai pula dengan sumberdaya perikanan dan kelautan yang besar. Dari sisi keanekaragaman hayati, Indonesia dikenal sebagai negara dengan kekayaan hayati kelautan terbesar. Dalam hal ekosistem terumbu karang (coral reefs) misalnya, Indonesia dikenal sebagai salah satu penyumbang kekayaan hayati terumbu karang terbesar di dunia. Menurut data World Resources Institute (2002), dengan luas total sebesar 50.875 km2, maka 51 % terumbu karang di kawasan Asia Tenggara dan 18 % terumbu karang di dunia, berada di wilayah perairan Indonesia.

Isu-isu rusaknya sumberdaya alam perikanan dan kelautan pun telah lama diketahui. Studi yang dilakukan oleh Burke dan kawan-kawan pada tahun 2002 menyebut bahwa kerusakan terumbu karang di Indonesia telah sampai pada tahap mengkhawatirkan. Hampir 51 % kawasan terumbu karang yang terancam di Asia Tenggara berada di Indonesia, disusul sebesar 20 % di Filipina.

Pada tanggal 6 Januari 2009 di KBRI Tokyo telah dilakukan pembahasan restorasi terumbu karang Indonesia. Pembahasan dihadiri oleh Perwakilan dari Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology yaitu Prof. Mineo Okamoto, Ph.D (baju putih) dan Kandidat Dr. Kakaskasen A. Roeroe (baju biru), Perwakilan dari JFE Steel Corporation yaitu Mr. Jun Ogawa dan 4 orang Stafnya, sedangkan dari KBRI Tokyo diwakili oleh Atase Pertanian, Atase Perindustrian, Atase Kehutanan, Atase Pendidikan, Koordinator Fungsi Ekonomi dan Koordinator Fungsi Politik.

Pada kesempatan pertama diawali penyampaian hasil penelitian kerjasama antara Universitas Samratulangi, Manado, Indonesia dan Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, yang disampaikan oleh Prof. Mineo Okamoto, Ph.D. Dalam pemaparan hasil penelitian yang berjudul kondisi dan reporoduksi terumbu karang sekitar pulau Bunaken Indonesia, Prof. Okamoto menyampaikan sebagai berikut:

1. Terumbu karang merupakan produser lingkungan hidup utama di wilayah pantai laut tropis dan sub tropis. Terumbu karang memberikan andil besar dalam pembentukan bukit karang yang berfungsi sebagai pemecah ombak laut.

2. Masalah global disebutkan bahwa terumbu karang telah rusak karena terkena dampak peningkatan suhu air laut yang ditimbulkan akibat global warming sehingga menimbulkan kerusakan terumbu karang di seluruh dunia.

3. Masalah lokal disebutkan bahwa kerusakan terumbu karang merupakan isu lama sebelum isu peningkatan suhu air laut. Kerusakan terumbu karang ini disebabkan oleh beberapa hal antara lain: a) penangkapan ikan yang berlebihan (overfishing), b) terbawanya material ke perairan pantai berupa lumpur dan unsur hara seperti Nitrogen, Phospat dsb. dari sungai, dan c) akibat aktivitas pembangunan di sekitar pantai menimbulkan kerusakan habitat.

4. Teknologi Baru pemulihan terumbu karang sedang dikembangkan di Jepang. Teknologi baru ini menggunakan repuduksi sexual terumbu karang yang sedang dilakukan di pulau Sekisei Lagoon (terumbu karang terbesar di Jepang) dan pulau Miyako. Diharapkan teknologi baru ini dapat diaplikasikan di Indonesia, dan telah dilakukan penelitian di Indonesia.

5. Dalam perbaikan terumbu karang diperlukan tiga langkah. Langkah pertama melakukan penelitian tahap awal yang meliputi: a) Waktu Mass spawning Acropora coral, b) Meneliti tempat yang tepat untuk lokasi tumbuhnya larva terumbu karang, c) Pertumbuhan terumbu karang, d) Meneliti tempat yang cocok untuk pemempatan pertumbuhan terumbu karang. Sedangkan langkah kedua adalah Pengembangan program perbaikan terumbu karang. Dan langkah ketiga, menentukan rencana dan melakukan tindakan apa yang harus dikerjakan dalam Perbaikan terumbu karang.

6. Penelitian yang dilakukan peneliti dari Jepang dan Indonesia ini dilakukan di Perairan Bunaken dimulai dari awal tahun 2007. Agar dapat memperoleh banyak terumbu karang muda untuk transplantasi diperlukan penelitian penentuan waktu mass spawning. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan Coral Settlement Device (CSD) yang terbuat dari ceramic. Penggunaan CSD bertujuan untuk : a) menyediakan permukaan yang baik untuk tempat bertumbuhnya larva, b) Melindungi larva berdiam di tempatnya dan terumbu karang dapat tumbuh di tempatnya, sehingga terhindar dari ancaman goyangan, benturan dan gangguan dari luar, c) Memfiksir terumbu karang pada tempatnya agar mudah tumbuh.

Untuk pengganti lubang-lubang yang seperti pada batu karang dipergunakan Marine Block (MB). MB terbuat dari bahan-bahan yang seperti terkandung dalam terumbu karang, shellfish, dan calcium carbonate merupakan material yang sesuai untuk membudidayakannya.

7. Metoda penelitiannya dilakukan dengan cara menempatkan rak-rak besi stainless di dasar laut perairan Bunaken. Sebuah MB dan empat buah CSD 120 disusun di dalam rak-rak tersebut pada tanggal 11 Februari 2007. Kemudian dengan jumlah yang sama MB dan CDS disusun lagi di dalam rak-rak sejenis pada tanggal 22 April 2007. Beberapa waktu kemudian dilakukan observasi pertumbuhan Acropora dan dilakukan pendataan jumlah yang tumbuh serta pencatatan ukuran Acropora dsb.

8. Penelitian ini diperoleh hasil bahwa a) Waktu Mass Spawning terumbu karang terjadi setahun dua kali, yaitu pada bulan Mei dan bulan Juli 2007, b) Acropora yang diperoleh sangat rendah, c) Pertumbuhan Acropora dalam setahun telah dapat diketahui, pertumbuhan Acropora dalam lubang-lubang MB diperoleh antara 7 – 11 bulan, d) Telah dapat dipilih tempat berkembang larva paling baik pada dinding tembok tempat reklamasi, e) Pertumbuhan Acropora pada tempat tersebut selama sampai dengan satu tahun telah dapat diketahui, f) Pertumbuhan terumbu karang Acropora di Bunaken diperkirakan tiga kali lebih cepat dari pada di perairan Sekisei Lagoon, Okinawa, Jepang. Hal ini terjadi disebabkan suhu air laut di Bunaken selama satu tahun lebih hangat dari pada di Sekisei Lagoon.

Perwakilan dari KBRI memberikan beberapa masukan untuk waktu kedepannya sebagai berikut:

1. Dalam rangka peningkatan SDM Indonesia perlu ditingkatkan transfer teknologi maka projek penelitian ini perlu diteruskan melangkah ke tahap berikutnya dengan melibatkan banyak peneliti yang berasal dari Indonesia.

2. Untuk melanjutkan penelitian di Indonesia bagi peneliti Jepang atau peneliti asing akan diberikan izin oleh Kementerian Riset dan Teknologi.

3. Untuk projek restorasi terumbu karang di Indonesia bisa dijajagi dengan melakukan kerjasama dengan bantuan JICA dan lembaga penyandang dana lainnya.

Sedangkan JFE Steel Corporation menginformasikan bahwa pihaknya telah mengembangkan Marine Block-Artificial Base for Coral Reef yang setiap unitnya berukuran sekitar 1 m kubik siap untuk diuji coba penggunaannya.